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Is There Any ‘Honour’ in Killing?

Okay. Chandru

“We generally hear of ‘honour’ killings of such individuals who bear inter-caste or inter-religious marriage of their very own free will. There’s nothing honourable in such killings, and in reality they’re nothing however barbaric and shameful acts of homicide dedicated by brutal, feudal minded individuals who deserve harsh punishment. Solely on this method can we stamp out such acts of barbarism.”

These have been the Supreme Court docket’s phrases within the Lata Singh v. State of Uttar Pradesh case (2006). The apex court docket went on to state:

“The caste system is a curse on the nation and the earlier it’s destroyed the higher. In reality, it’s dividing the nation at a time when we now have to be united to face the challenges earlier than the nation unitedly. Therefore, inter-caste marriages are in truth within the nationwide curiosity as they are going to lead to destroying the caste system. Nevertheless, disturbing information are coming from a number of elements of the nation that younger women and men who bear inter-caste marriage, are threatened with violence, or violence is definitely dedicated on them.

“In our opinion, such acts of violence or threats or harassment are wholly unlawful and those that commit them have to be severely punished. It is a free and democratic nation, and as soon as an individual turns into a significant, she or he can marry whosoever he/she likes. If the mother and father of the boy or woman don’t approve of such inter-caste or inter-religious marriage, the utmost they will do is that they will reduce off social relations with the son or the daughter, however they can not give threats or commit or instigate acts of violence and can’t harass the one who undergoes such inter-caste or inter-religious marriage.”

There couldn’t have been a greater rationalization of the problem of killing of younger {couples} from totally different castes solely for the rationale of caste. The court docket additionally gave a constructive path not solely to the Uttar Pradesh authorities however to all State governments:

“We, subsequently, direct that the administration/police authorities all through the nation will see to it that if any boy or woman who’s a significant undergoes inter-caste or inter-religious marriage with a lady or man who’s a significant, the couple are usually not harassed by anyone nor subjected to threats or acts of violence, and anyone who provides such threats or harasses or commits acts of violence both himself or at his instigation, is taken to job by instituting legal proceedings by the police towards such individuals and additional stern motion is taken towards such individuals as offered by legislation.”

Regardless of this path, the Union authorities of the day did little besides give sermons to the State governments. In 2009, former Dwelling Minister P. Chidambaram advised the Rajya Sabha that the Nationwide Crime Data Bureau didn’t have any knowledge on this crime as a result of “it’s troublesome to establish or classify an honour killing as such in any given neighborhood, because the causes for such killings usually stay a carefully guarded non-public household matter. There is no such thing as a separate legislation to cope with the crime of ‘honour killing’, and such crimes are handled beneath the provisions of the Indian Penal Code and are investigated and prosecuted as offences beneath the IPC/Cr. P.C.”

Chidambaram reiterated that his authorities condemned crimes dedicated to uphold the honour of the household or the sufferer or girls usually, and was open to a large dialogue on tips on how to forestall them. Claiming that the Union authorities had initiated legislative and ameliorative measures to examine such crimes, he thereafter relegated the problem to State governments by stating that the themes of police and public order have been a State topic.

A reference was made to the Legislation Commissioner headed by Justice P.V. Reddi, to submit a report on this subject. In its 242nd Report, the Legislation Fee really helpful the passing of a separate laws. It suggested that the members of the neighborhood gathering to protest the wedding or calling for social boycott be handled as an illegal meeting and given a compulsory minimal sentence. It additionally proposed a brand new Invoice named “Prohibition of Interference with Matrimonial Alliances” within the identify of Honour and Custom Invoice. Accepting the report, the federal government launched the Invoice within the Rajya Sabha as The Prevention of Crimes within the Identify of Honour & Custom Invoice, 2010.

‘Rarest of uncommon instances deserving dying punishment’

Lengthy after the Lata Singh case, when there was an analogous incident in Delhi, the court docket as soon as once more highlighted the earlier ruling in Bhagwan Dass v. State (Nct) of Delhi case (2011) and noticed: “‘Honour’ killings have develop into commonplace in lots of elements of the nation, significantly in Haryana, western Uttar Pradesh, and Rajasthan. Typically, younger {couples} who fall in love have to hunt shelter within the police traces or safety properties, to keep away from the wrath of kangaroo courts. We have now held in Lata Singh’s case (supra) that there’s nothing ‘honourable’ in `honour’ killings, and they’re nothing however barbaric and brutal murders by bigoted, individuals with feudal minds. … Honour killings, for no matter motive, come throughout the class of rarest of uncommon instances deserving dying punishment. It’s time to stamp out these barbaric, feudal practices that are a slur on our nation. That is needed as a deterrent for such outrageous, uncivilised behaviour. All individuals who’re planning to perpetrate ‘honour’ killings ought to know that the gallows await them.”

V. Vijayasai Reddy, the chief of the YSR Congress within the Rajya Sabha, launched a Non-public Member Invoice (2017) as a way to defend particular person liberty, proper of affiliation, motion and bodily integrity and the suitable of adults to decide on their very own companions in marriage and to forestall victimisation by prohibiting illegal assemblies and different conducts interfering with matrimonial alliances within the identify of honour and custom.

In the meantime, the NGO Shakti Vahini moved the Supreme Court docket with a petition “looking for instructions to all State governments and the Central authorities to take preventive steps to fight honour crimes, to submit a Nationwide Plan of Motion and State Plan of Motion to curb crimes of the mentioned nature and additional, to direct the State governments to represent particular cells in every district which may be approached by the {couples} for his or her security and well-being”. Shakti Vahini additionally sought to “launch prosecutions in every case of honour killing and take applicable measures in order that such honour crimes and embedded evil within the mindset of sure members of the society are handled iron fingers”.

The Supreme Court docket gave a number of instructions for preventive measures and steps to be taken by the cops in case of any grievance acquired from newlywed {couples} in inter-caste marriages. It directed the creation of particular cells in each district and likewise authorised the police to invoke Part 151 the Code of Felony Process (CrPC, now the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita) in areas disturbed by communal threats. The path included secure homes for the younger {couples} immediately beneath the supervision of the District Justice of the Peace and the police. The apex court docket additionally directed the offering of logistical help to the {couples} to register their marriage by giving police safety and the institution of a 24-hour helpline by the particular cells. It additionally directed the State governments to determine designated courts to strive the offence expeditiously and directed that the instances be heard by a jurisdictional choose who wouldn’t in any other case be disturbed.

Tamil Nadu’s badge of disgrace

Whereas coping with these instances, the Supreme Court docket usually addressed the issue of khap panchayats within the northern States that punish {couples} for crossing caste obstacles. It was scarcely realised that this was not a phenomenon distinctive to North India. As issues stand immediately, Tamil Nadu, which prides itself on main within the financial development index and boasts about attaining cent p.c literacy quickly, now tops the crime statistics for reported killings of {couples} who marry outdoors their caste.

These points have been repeatedly raised within the Tamil Nadu Legislative Meeting by the members of the CPI(M) beneath the earlier AIADMK authorities (earlier than 2021) as nicely, solely to obtain a lukewarm response. In 2014, distressed by the killing of younger {couples} within the identify of household honour, the Madras Excessive Court docket directed the Tamil Nadu authorities to implement measures to guard inter-caste {couples}. Justice V. Ramasubramanian directed the federal government to determine a particular cell in every district to obtain complaints from {couples} who confronted threats for marrying throughout the caste divide. The cells, which have been to be arrange in three months, would comprise the Superintendent of Police, the District Social Welfare Officer, and the District Adi Dravidar Welfare Officer. The one motion on the a part of the federal government was to represent a particular police cell in Madurai District. Aside from that, there was no concerted try to sort out the problem of honour killing.

Apparently, in 2015, Justice Okay. Kannan of the Punjab and Haryana Excessive Court docket adopted the precedent set by the Madras Excessive Court docket and handed an analogous order to curb honour killings.

In line with the Dalit rights activist Kathir, founding father of the NGO Proof, there have been as many as 400 cases of honour crimes—together with honour killings—recorded in Tamil Nadu from 2018 to 2023. Submitting a petition to the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu in 2022, Kathir claimed that the Rajasthan laws was not passable and Tamil Nadu ought to enact a brand new legislation, and proposed a draft Invoice named “The Freedom of Marriage and Affiliation and Prohibition of Crimes within the Identify of Honour Invoice 2022”.

In 2024, the CPI(M) MP from Kerala V. Sivadasan moved a non-public member Invoice within the Rajya Sabha looking for the institution of a Nationwide Fee for Safety from Honour Crime. He defined the objects and causes for shifting the Invoice as follows: “Younger {couples}, significantly girls, who go towards the spiritual, cultural norms and/or societal norms being adopted by an individual or a gaggle of individuals are sometimes subjected to varied crimes like harassment, violence, sexual abuse and even homicide, beneath the pretext of preserving honour. Not too long ago, there was a big improve within the variety of such crimes throughout the nation. Such horrendous honour crimes should be eradicated from the society. A transparent message must be given to the perpetrators that they are going to be severely handled.

“This Invoice goals to attain the mentioned goal by creation of a mechanism, which can work effectively to handle this social illness and for this objective it’s proposed to declare honour crime as a non-bailable offence, prescribing punishments for numerous honour crimes and represent a Nationwide Fee for Safety from Honour Crimes Board to look into such issues.”

Whereas the remainder of India stays deeply involved about honour killings and has been discussing the methods to forestall the identical, the Uttar Pradesh authorities has launched the Prohibition of Illegal Conversion of Faith (Modification) Invoice 2024. The Invoice states: “… if for spiritual conversion, the life or wealth of an individual is put beneath risk, or there may be use of drive or there may be marriage or promise of marriage for spiritual conversion, punishment will vary from 20 years imprisonment to life imprisonment”. This compels us to contemplate whether or not intentional communal polarisation will solely additional exacerbate the already risky state of affairs with regard to each inter-caste marriages and inter-religious marriages.

On July 27, Kavin Selvaganesh, a software program engineer belonging to the Scheduled Caste, was killed in Tirunelveli by Surjith, the brother of his girlfriend Subashini, a Siddha physician belonging to a Most Backward Caste. Though the homicide despatched shock waves in Tamil Nadu, it did not elicit the common condemnation seen in instances such because the custodial killings of Jayaraj and Bennix by the Sathankulam police and or the dying of Ajith Kumar by the Particular Police Group arrange by the DSP, Manamadurai.

It seems whereas the voices of condemnation are unanimous in case of state excesses, within the case of honour killings, the condemnation is simply from the political teams. The dominant caste-based teams are usually not solely silent on the problem, but in addition take a peculiar line. Leaders of the three dominant communities of the Tirunelveli and Thoothukudi area i.e. the Nadars, Mukkulathors, and Pallars, claimed that whereas the killing of Kavin was not acceptable, this subject might be averted if he had chosen to marry a woman of his personal caste. Dr Okay. Krishnasamy, the chief of Puthiya Tamilagam Get together, which largely represents a sure Scheduled Caste in south Tamil Nadu, was of the opinion that it was needed to acquire parental consent for such marriages.

Whereas a number of political events (together with the allies of the ruling DMK) have vociferously demanded {that a} particular laws be enacted by the State authorities, there was no official response to date. This solely reveals that each the Centre and State governments might bask in rhetoric however are usually not keen to behave on discovering an applicable resolution to the issue. One can perceive that the problem of inter-caste marriage, particularly when one of many spouses belongs to a Scheduled Caste, is slightly delicate; on the similar time, the continual barbaric killing of the Scheduled Caste partner (not often is it the caste Hindu partner) has not stirred the conscience of the general public. The response of the State authorities can also be weak and it has not risen to the event.

The instructions to the State governments within the Lata Singh and Bhagwan Dass instances,and later by Shakti Vahini, are but to be applied. Whereas the earlier AIADMK authorities had introduced that it might arrange a particular job drive in Madurai metropolis to forestall such happenings, it isn’t clear as to why this could be applied solely in Madurai, and never in different, extra delicate districts south of Madurai.

The ruling DMK authorities has additionally not come out with a powerful response to the case. It have to be famous that the mother and father of Subashini and Surjith are each sub-inspectors of police in Tamil Nadu. Whereas the FIR referred to the names of the brother and the daddy and mom, the police have arrested solely the brother and the daddy, not the mom who can also be a serving police officer.

Greater than enacting a particular laws, even when actions are initiated beneath the prevailing legal guidelines as claimed by the federal government, the investigation and the following trial and conviction will take its personal time. It’s nonetheless unclear what must be the punishment and who must be hauled up as accused within the trial. Nevertheless, even larger courts haven’t shed their inhibitions within the matter of punishment.

Within the Dilip Premnarayan Tiwari & Anr v. State of Maharashtra case (2009), the Supreme Court docket decreased the punishment imposed on a brother who killed his youthful sister. The court docket went on to justify this, stating:

“Sushma was the youthful sister of this accused. It’s a widespread expertise that when the youthful sister commits one thing uncommon and on this case it was an intercaste, intercommunity marriage out of the key love affair, then within the society it’s the elder brother who justifiably or in any other case is held chargeable for not stopping such affair. It’s held because the household defeat. At instances, he has to undergo taunts and snide remarks even from the individuals who actually don’t have any enterprise to poke their nostril into the affairs of the household. Dilip, subsequently, will need to have been a prey of the so-called insult which his youthful sister had imposed upon his household and that will need to have been in his thoughts for seven lengthy months.

“It has come within the proof that even when the wedding was carried out with Prabhu, there have been efforts made by the members of the family of Dilip to convey Sushma again. It has are available proof that mom of Dilip tried to lure again Sushma and so did her different married sister Kalpana who truly went on to satisfy Sushma in her school. These efforts paid no dividends. As an alternative, Sushma saved on attending the school, thereby brazenly mixing with the society. This will need to have added insult to the damage felt by the members of the family, and extra significantly, accused Dilip. Why did he watch for seven months?

“The reply lies in the truth that Sushma grew to become pregnant and thus reached a degree of no return. Until such time as she grew to become pregnant, there may need been some hopes within the household to win her again however as soon as she grew to become pregnant, even that distant hope pale away and, in our opinion, that’s the reason why this ghastly episode occurred. As if all this was not enough, Dilip himself will need to have had the sensation of being cheated. It’s not that Dilip didn’t know Prabhu who was dwelling solely three homes away from his home. The key love affair which went on between Sushma and Prabhu for which Abhayraj acted as a messenger will need to have raised the sensation of being cheated by Prabhu. This was additional aggravated due to the so-called larger standing of a Brahmin household on the a part of Dilip and so-called non-Brahmin standing of Prabhu.

“It has come on file that Sushma was moved to Andheri at [sic] the home of Shashidharan and this must have added as a spark which resulted in a twister. Dilip undoubtedly was a youngster not even having crossed his 25 years of life and never having any legal antecedent. If he grew to become the sufferer of his incorrect however real caste issues, it might not justify the dying sentence. The murders have been the result of social subject like a wedding with an individual of so-called decrease caste. Nevertheless, a time has come when we now have to contemplate these social points as related, whereas contemplating the dying sentence within the circumstances as these. The caste is an idea which grips an individual earlier than his beginning and doesn’t depart him even after his dying. The vicious grip of the caste, neighborhood, faith, although completely unjustified, is a stark actuality. The psyche of the offender within the background of a social subject like an inter-caste-community marriage, although wholly unjustified, must be thought-about within the peculiar circumstances of this case.”

After exhorting that there isn’t a honour in such killings and that it must be held as a brutal homicide with applicable imposition of penalty, it’s unbelievable that courts ought to scale back penalties based mostly on brother-sister sentiment and supposed restoration of household honour by the male kinfolk of the lady.

One motive why the judiciary additionally offers with such points is owing to lack of focus and sufficient leverage out there beneath the prevailing system of legislation. It’s excessive time that the state enacted a particular legislation to sternly cope with the problem of honour killing and likewise perform the assorted instructions issued by the Supreme Court docket to guard and safeguard {couples} who marry out of their caste.

So far as the judges are involved, the Supreme Court docket has sounded its bugle within the Sukanya Shantha v. Union of India case (2024): “The struggle towards caste-based discrimination shouldn’t be a battle that may be gained in a single day; it requires sustained effort, dedication, and the willingness to confront and problem societal norms that perpetuate inequality. When confronted with practices of caste-based discrimination, this Court docket should take an energetic stand. In entertaining the present petition, this Court docket is making its contribution to the continued wrestle to dismantle caste-based discrimination.”

[Justice K. Chandru is a retired judge of the Madras High Court. Courtesy: Frontline, a fortnightly English language magazine published by The Hindu Group of publications headquartered in Chennai, India.]

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Tamil Nadu’s Journey From Social Justice In direction of ‘(Dis)Honour Killings’

Karthikeyan Damodaran and Hugo Gorringe

The picture of a socially progressive ‘land of Periyar’ and cradle of the self-respect motion, has been tarnished but once more by the brutal homicide of an upwardly cell Dalit man named Kavin Selva Ganesh, a techie working in one in all India’s topmost data know-how corporations who dared to like throughout caste traces. This homicide is to reiterate the truth that financial mobility doesn’t essentially assure social acceptance inside a inflexible caste order.

Pushed to reply extra proactively in direction of casteism by Dalit actions and events, the Dravidian authorities within the state of Tamil Nadu has taken a lot of symbolic measures not too long ago to put declare in direction of social justice. This contains the latest renaming of all scholar hostels of Different Backward Lessons (BC), Most Backward Lessons (MBC) and Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) as Social Justice Hostels.

The intention is to erase all caste identifiers in instructional establishments, with a view to tackling caste-based polarisation. Though this transfer – and different such symbolically necessary steps – are projected as advancing the social justice pushed preferrred of the much-promoted Dravidian Mannequin, these champions of justice usually stay muted within the wake of caste atrocities. It happens even because the state has develop into a hotbed for caste atrocities, significantly caste-based so-called ‘honour killings’.

A few a long time in the past, such violence was largely seen as a phenomenon associated solely to locations like Haryana and Rajasthan, rhetorically alluded to because the backward areas of the North fairly than progressive states like Tamil Nadu. Politicians pointed to schemes to help inter-caste marriages as illustrating their dedication to eradicating caste discrimination. A. Kathir, the founding father of the Madurai-based NGO Proof says since 2017 they’ve documented 65 instances of honour killings Tamil Nadu. In what follows we ask what accounts for this rising caste violence and what may be accomplished to forestall it.

PMK and its polarising anti-Dalit rhetoric and motion

The primary level to make is that such violence was not unparalleled earlier than, and the seeming absence of such killings up to now could also be as a consequence of under-reporting, or mis-recording of caste violence as ‘suicide’ or ‘violence as a consequence of earlier enmity’. Regardless of this caveat, the spurt in caste based mostly ‘honour killings’ within the latest previous can’t be brushed apart or ignored.

The second level is to notice that caste enmity is neither pure nor inevitable. Analysis on anti-immigrant sentiment illustrates how excessive unemployment solely ends in hostility in direction of migrants when such sentiments are stoked by far-right events. Equally, we argue that casteism is actively fomented. Central to the latest upsurge, we contend, is a meticulously deliberate political and cultural effort to discredit and devalue Dalit financial empowerment.

We view it as a bodily and psychological assault on upwardly cell Dalit castes led by the Pattali Makkal Katchi (Toiling Folks’s Get together) (PMK), and its founder S. Ramadoss, following the inter-caste couple Elavarasan and Dhivya’s love marriage in 2013. The PMK since then has circulated and popularised a powerful anti-Dalit (false) narrative calling any inter-caste romance or love or marriage involving Dalit boys as nadaga kadhal (staged love) designed to usurp the riches of the intermediate or higher castes.

He brazenly accused younger Dalit males carrying denims, sun shades and footwear of looking for to seduce caste Hindu girls with their ‘newfound’ way of life. Not solely have such assertions been floated on political platforms, they’ve seeped into well-liked tradition by means of movies and social media.

Going additional nonetheless, the PMK together with quite a few fringe caste outfits organised conferences in each district after floating a discussion board referred to as Dalit Alladha Anaithu Saathiyinar Kootamaippu (Federation of All Castes Excluding the Dalits).

With this, politics within the state was turned on its head, from the non-Brahmin motion’s progressive radicalism to an effort to retrench caste privilege. Regardless of being launched within the so-called progressive state of Tamil Nadu, this political formation didn’t face robust opposition from both civil or political society, and it was left to the Dalit organisations events and Left leaning actions to struggle towards it. Tellingly, most writers, lecturers, and social activists who declare to be progressives (with a number of honourable exceptions) did not condemn it vehemently.

Legitimising caste violence

The PMK and the federation if nothing else, have been capable of instill a sure language and rhetoric of anti-Dalitness amongst totally different sections of the society, significantly among the many youth. An illustration of this tendency got here in responses to the movie Maamanan. The hero of this movie, performed by M. Okay. Stalin’s son, was a younger Dalit who fought towards social justice from throughout the fold of the Dravidian events.

The nakedly casteist villain was clearly disapproved of within the plot, however was celebrated on-line as an emblem of caste satisfaction and valour. The PMK and different intermediate caste organisations have already established a sure sense of caste satisfaction amongst their youth as Aanda Parambarai (castes that dominated these lands) and with phrases like nadaga kadhal, kalappu thirumanam (combined marriages) have been sanctioning anti-Dalit violence each bodily and culturally.

Political personalities like Kaduvetti Guru (deceased now) delivered provocative speeches advocating violence brazenly in assembly after assembly, likewise leaders from the domestically dominant castes within the Kongu area, southern Tamil Nadu and elsewhere adopted this. Worryingly, such rhetoric is now not confined to the politicians of caste-based events as some intermediate caste film-makers have taken such narratives into the cultural sphere.

Although these movies haven’t been commercially profitable, they’ve served to amplify and normalise the circulation of caste hate speech and the replica and legitimisation of anti-Dalit violence.

G. Mohan’s film Draupathi is an instance. The trailer begins with Martin Luther King’s assertion that ‘injustice wherever is a risk to justice in every single place’. It claims to be based mostly on actual life occasions and showcases caste hatred and violence. At this level, nevertheless, the narrative shifts. Louts who’re recognized as Dalit via use of well-known political slogans, are portrayed as looking for to ensnare Vanniyar (low standing however socially dominant caste) girls who’re pressured to struggle again to defend their honour.

‘For us land and girls are each necessary’, a Vanniyar girl within the movie states, ‘if anybody lays a hand on both we’ll chop it off’. In a transparent echo of the PMK’s political marketing campaign that accused Dalit boys of intentionally and deceitfully wooing Vanniyar girls, Shekhar notes in Outlook, the movie urges ‘younger ladies to guard their household satisfaction (and thus, caste and neighborhood)’. Writing for the Indian Specific, Ezhilarasan observes that ‘Director G Mohan believes that many instances of honour killings weren’t true and that thought finds specific reflection in some scenes and dialogues’.

Movies equivalent to this, serve to erode the cultural legitimacy of campaigns towards ‘honour crimes’ and laws designed to eradicate untouchability. In suggesting that the one technique to fight ‘uppity Dalits’ is thru drive, the movie reinforces the particularistic and unique nature of caste boundaries.

The upshot of that is the spate of caste-honour killings from throughout the state, alongside brutal murders of assertive or non-compliant Dalits – some in broad daylight. These violent murders are celebrated on social media by the caste youth, and the perpetrators are hailed as heroes. As identified by Aisha Okay. Gill of their ebook “Honour Killing and Violence: Concept, Coverage and Observe”: “In nations the place ‘honour’ killings happen commonly, perpetrators who’re arrested usually proudly show their handcuffs as many imagine that killing for the sake of particular person or collective honour is heroic”.

When Yuvaraj of Dheeran Chinnamalai Peravai [Dheeran Chinnamalai Front], at present serving a jail time period for the homicide of Dalit youth Gokulraj, got here out on parole to attend a household perform he was given a hero’s welcome, and he’s routinely valourised on social media. The self-styled leaders from totally different intermediate castes attended the perform to showcase solidarity, thus legitimising his act as a safety of caste honour.

Dheeran Chinnamalai was an 18th Century Kongu Vellalar chieftain who fought towards the British East India firm. His re-discovery and re-signification as a caste hero, is telling of the continued processes via which caste satisfaction is inculcated by organisations.

In his research of riots and dysfunction within the UK, social historian E. P. Thompson famous that collective violence was facilitated by the legitimation of such motion. ‘By the notion of legitimation’, he explains (Thompson 1971: 78), ‘I imply that the women and men within the crowd have been knowledgeable by the assumption that they have been defending conventional rights or customs; and … have been supported by the broader consensus of the neighborhood’.

Particular laws towards honour killings

The actions and utterances of the PMK and likeminded organisations, we argue, have created the situations inside which casteist violence can foment and unfold: the place younger caste Hindu males can come to see violence as the one type of communication that protects their ‘honour’ and their neighborhood.

While welcoming the DMK authorities’s belated makes an attempt to scale back caste tensions and foster cross-caste interplay, it’s clear that symbolic actions alone are inadequate to place the caste genie again into the bottle. Simply as a sustained and systematic marketing campaign has received us to this go, altering cultural values and attitudes would require vital motion. One easy first step could be for the governing get together to routinely name out and condemn caste-based violence when it occurs. It’s an indictment of the Dravidian events’ claims to social justice that even this small step is routinely uncared for for worry of alienating intermediate caste voters.

To go away the condemnation of casteism to Dalit and Left events is to relinquish all dedication to a fairer society. Secondly, governments ought to guarantee immediate and neutral police investigations and motion towards culprits. Too usually, caste energy seems to over-ride state energy in the case of apprehending perpetrators.

Thirdly, caste hate-speech must be rendered punishable by legislation and roundly condemned every time it happens, regardless of who the speaker is. Failure to take action, lends tacit help and legitimacy to such rhetoric on the very least. Lastly, severe consideration must be given to a long time outdated calls for for particular laws towards (dis)honour killings.

While Chief Minister Stalin could also be proper that current laws ought to be enough to behave towards such violence, his stance shows a lack of expertise and creativeness. Given the Authorities’s personal emphasis on the symbolic actions point out within the introduction, absolutely they don’t should be reminded that laws isn’t purely instrumental.

It is very important emphasise the social significance of laws: it raises consciousness, shines a lightweight on explicit types of discrimination, highlights the necessity for motion and helps to shift norms. As Waughray argues, such laws wouldn’t create points the place none exist (any greater than laws towards corporal punishment or marital rape created new points) however it might ship a robust sign that we’re now not keen to tolerate types of discriminatory and prejudicial behaviour.

Tamil Nadu has a proud historical past of politics dedicated to social justice. Failure to behave decisively towards the scourge of caste-violence and so-called honour-killings, contributes to the notion that egalitarian commitments have been sacrificed on the altar of electoral politics. These spouting hate-speech and lecturing towards cross-caste marriages are the first instigators of the rise in caste violence, however the inaction of the Dravidian events imply that they too are culpable.

[Karthikeyan Damodaran is an Assistant Professor in Social Sciences at the National Law School of India University, Bangalore. Hugo Gorringe is a Professor and Head of the Department of Sociology, at the University of Edinburgh, United Kingdom. Courtesy: The Wire, an Indian nonprofit news and opinion website. It was founded in 2015 by Siddharth Varadarajan, Sidharth Bhatia, and M. K. Venu.]