From Tilak to Gandhi, to Modi—the lengthy political lifetime of the Bhagavad Gita

From Tilak to Gandhi, to Modi—the lengthy political lifetime of the Bhagavad Gita

Last Updated: December 22, 2025By

By the late years of the Nineteenth century and the start of the twentieth century, the Bhagavad Gita, the 700-verse meditation within the 1,00,000-verse epic Mahabharat, which had been prized amongst Hindus for hundreds of years, had been remodeled right into a talisman for revolutionaries—a non secular and philosophical foundation for motion, importantly violent motion, within the political sphere. From Tilak to Aurobindo, revolutionaries, who sought to defeat the British with a tit-for-tat technique of violence, sourced legitimacy from a selected interpretation of the Gita they propagated.

Nearly a century later, the Bhagavad Gita is again on the centre of political motion. Final week, over 5 lakh folks, together with West Bengal Governor C.V. Ananda Bose, BJP leaders, in addition to sadhus and sadhvis from throughout the state thronged to Kolkata’s iconic Brigade Parade Floor for a collective recitation of the Gita.

“The Gita programme has been going down for the final three years in Bengal. Similar to the Gita had helped unite Hindus in the course of the Independence battle when the nation was being divided on the Hindu-Muslim concern, we’d like the Gita once more at present in Bengal,” BJP chief Dilip Ghosh, who had participated within the gathering, informed ThePrint. “In Bengal, Hindus are going through the identical menace of being became refugees in their very own land. So Gita is the easiest way to unite them as a result of firstly, each Hindu no matter their sect believes in it, and secondly, as a result of the Gita is about on the battlefield of Kurukshetra, it provides folks the urja (vitality) to battle.”

Gita urja, shakti aur sahi ladai ladne ka granth hai (the Gita is a textual content of vitality, power, and of combating the proper battle),” he mentioned.

Miles from Kolkata, in New Delhi, the Gita was on the centre of Indian diplomacy weeks earlier than that when Prime Minister Narendra Modi gifted a Russian translation of the textual content to President Vladimir Putin on his go to to India.

An RSS-affiliated author commented, “The Gita is probably the most potent comfortable energy weapon India has. It’s the face of Hindustan’s spirituality internationally.”

Earlier this month, Union Minister H.D. Kumaraswamy wrote to Schooling Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, urging him to incorporate the Bhagavad Gita in class curriculum—an attraction that prompted Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah to name him a “manuvadi”. The textual content would steer youth away from the trail of medication, Kumaraswamy had said.

From Lucknow to Kurukshetra, and Shivamogga to Hyderabad, high-profile sammelans with chief ministers, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and retired bureaucrats attending, are being organised throughout the nation to debate and recite the teachings of this timeless textual content.

What explains this resurgence of the Bhagavad Gita within the political sphere? Is there a concerted try to push the textual content for political and spiritual mobilisation? Or is that this an natural assertion? Furthermore, what has the political profession of the Bhagavad Gita been in fashionable Indian historical past? When did it emerge as a software for political mobilisation? And was there a distinction in how somebody like Tilak used the Gita in public life from how Gandhi interpreted the textual content?


Additionally learn: Why the Bhagavad Gita is about on a battlefield—it has nothing to do with violence


 

From diplomacy to home politics

To start with, completely different leaders and writers affiliated with the Sangh Parivar informed ThePrint that there isn’t a concerted try by the RSS or the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) to organise these occasions.

Nevertheless, the principle teachings of the Gita—that Bharat’s ethos is one steeped in spirituality and laborious energy—has been the driving power for not simply this authorities however the Sangh Parivar at massive, an RSS chief from Haryana mentioned. Subsequently, from Haryana to Bengal to the worldwide stage, “you see the resurgence of the Gita within the final ten years as a result of it’s the Gita from which we derive our worldview,” he mentioned.

Furthermore, the lucidity of the Gita’s message makes everybody gravitate in the direction of it, mentioned the RSS-affiliated author quoted above. “The Gen Z, which is clearly going through a vacuum in life, is gravitating to the Gita by itself due to the simplicity of its message. Krishna stays probably the most standard gods, so the Gita has immediate resonance,” he mentioned.

Additionally, for many years, the Bhagavad Gita has had worldwide attraction. “If in case you have watched Openheimer, you already know that even Robert Oppenheimer, the daddy of the atomic bomb, had learn and was deeply influenced by the Gita. That offers Indians self-confidence on the worldwide stage, and makes them come nearer to realising Bharat’s position as a Vishwa Guru.”

“That’s the reason even when the PM items Putin or Obama one thing, it’s not Ramayana or the Shiv Puranas, however the Bhagavad Gita—everybody already is aware of it,” he mentioned. “Even colonial students held it in excessive regard.”

The internationalisation of the Gita and the ballooning of Hindu vanity on account of it certainly has an extended historical past.

‘Discovering’ the Gita

The early and mid-Nineteenth century had been a time of European intrigue about ‘native’ Indians. Spellbound Europeans, fascinated by India’s myriad religions, cultures, languages, structure, sought to frantically retrieve the subcontinent’s previous. Spiritual books had been found and translated. ‘Origins’ of individuals and languages had been probed. Historic websites had been archaeologically examined.

As argued by Manu Pillai within the e-book Gods, Weapons and Missionaries, there was an “unexpected by-product” of this European “retrieval” of Indian historical past. Indians’ satisfaction in their very own historical past swelled up quickly. As Europeans started to get mesmerised by the Indian  previous, Indians too started to get mesmerised by their very own previous refracted by way of the European lens.

The “discovery” of the Bhagavad Gita, translated in English for the primary time in 1785, was a living proof. Orientalists, missionaries, colonial officers, romantics—all marvelled at this religious textual content which, in contrast to another on the earth, was set on a battlefield.

Warren Hastings, one of many earliest and most influential British directors in colonial India, declared that Gita’s theology was “precisely corresponding” with the basics of Christianity. In his arguably unconscious need to “uncover” the Bible-equivalent in Hinduism, Charles Wilkinson, the translator of the Gita, declared that the textual content contained all of the “grand mysteries” of Hinduism. Within the West, the Bhagavad Gita turned a sensation—students and philosophers hailed it because the window to the knowledge of the East. The centrality of Krishna was additional superior as proof of the purported monotheism of “uncorrupted Hinduism”.

As Indians started to find their very own previous by way of European translations, Hindus consumed this European-interpreted Bhagavad Gita with renewed curiosity. The Gita’s new-found prominence inflated Hindu vanity at a time that they had been disparaged and humiliated for his or her idolatry by the British.

Nevertheless, the new-found Hindu satisfaction was not the one “unexpected by-product” of Orientalist curiosity within the Bhagavad Gita. By the tip of the 19 century, revolutionaries and militant nationalists discovered on this rediscovered Gita the non secular justification for the political violence they more and more noticed as the one means to finish colonial rule in India. In Krishna’s exhortation to Arjun to battle the righteous battle, they discerned an implicit allegory for their very own occasions: The overthrow of British rule by way of violence, if essential.

Within the years that adopted, revolutionaries held the Gita in a single hand, and a revolver within the different. It was an interpretation of the Gita that legitimised, even necessitated holding the revolver.

The issue of the ‘political sadhus’

Within the first 20 years of the twentieth century, because the nationalism of extremists gained floor, the colonial state was reporting a peculiar downside—the issue of the ‘political sadhus’.

In June 1908, the Bombay administration as an illustration, unearthed secret societies just like the Shivaji Membership, Khed Membership, Belapur Swami Math Membership, Pen Membership and Abhinava Bharat. In these revolutionary societies, the administration discovered that “many Sadhus had been utilizing Bhagavad Gita for nationalist functions”.

In 1907, when Keshav Krishnaji Damle, a detailed good friend of Tilak’s, gave lectures on the Gita in varied places, the district Justice of the Peace noticed, “The lecture could be very efficient. He preached revolt with such cleverness that it’s uncertain whether or not the penal code can contact him.”

The political use of the Gita for revolutionary functions was quickly changing into a headache for colonial intelligence throughout the nation. In Bengal, the intelligence famous: “The doing of the Anarchist Society shaped by Arabind (Aurobindo Ghosh) and Barindra (Kumar Ghosh) in Maniktola Backyard Calcutta… was of spiritual character, and the individuals who frequented the backyard mixed the examine of the Gita with the preparations of bombs and explosives.”

Distant in Shimla, the Director of Felony Intelligence, Shimla wrote in 1910, “These males are invariably Brahmins and being of the superior mind, they know how you can win the folks to their trigger by touching their susceptibilities. I’m firmly of the opinion that these males play extra substantial mischief than the extra reckless extremist newspapers.”

“What they often do is that this—they choose a single passage or verse from some puranas, extra particularly from the Bhagawad Gita for his or her theme… (and impress) the recommendation given by Krishna to Arjun that it’s no sin to destroy the enemy, that the destruction of the fabric or bodily physique isn’t the destruction of the Atma of the particular person destroyed,” he reported. “Then they rigorously twist the topic and apply these rules to the current day politics.”

The state scrambled for responses. Faculty syllabi started to be checked to search out out whether or not Bhagavad Gita was taught in ethical science class. Faculties discovered to be instructing the Gita had been branded the ‘Faculties for sedition’. Dramas which made references to Krishna’s recommendation to Arjun had been banned.

Minute particulars of the ‘political sadhus’ started to be recorded earlier than the Authorities of India lastly enacted the Indian Press Act in 1910. Whereas introducing the Invoice, Sir Herbert Risley, the Dwelling Secretary, too couldn’t however point out the Gita. “The dialogue between Arjun and Krishna within the Gita, a e-book that’s to Hindus what the Imitation of Christ is to emotional Christians… (is) pressed into the service of inflaming impressionable minds,” he mentioned.

It was, after all, a deliberate technique.

Within the years of Swadeshi following the Partition of Bengal in 1905, when political exercise was beneath strict surveillance and the repressive capacities of the colonial state on full show, nationalists had been desperately searching for strategies of mass mobilisation that might escape the state’s panoptic gaze. Theatre, mela songs, bhajan-kirtans and pravachans turned their lifeboats.

However the binding power was the Gita. As argued by Dipesh Chakrabarty in Gandhi’s Gita and Politics as Such, it was the Gita by way of which the nationalists couldn’t solely escape state scrutiny, but additionally press the truth that from the time of the Mahabharat to the 1857 Warfare of Independence, there was “an extended custom of rightful violence in India”. For Swaraj, subsequently, Indians solely needed to flip to their very own custom of rightful violence—a practice enshrined within the newly interpreted, “revolutionary” Gita.

“The Gita is undoubtedly probably the most vital religious or scriptural primer that Indian leaders used in the course of the freedom battle,” says Makarand Paranjpe. “Vivekananda, Tilak, Aurobindo, Gandhi, and Vinoba, amongst others, not solely studied it deeply, however wrote commentaries on it. Why? As a result of they discovered within the doctrine of ‘karma yoga’ the important thing to nationwide regeneration,” he mentioned.

“Even Bankim, earlier, recommended that India flip from the effete and romantic Krishna of the Bhakti cult to a extra masculine and strategic Krishna of the Gita. We are able to free ourselves by way of our personal motion and works was the thought, not simply pray and beseech some divinity or supernatural energy.”

Gandhi’s Gita versus Tilak’s Gita

The interpretation of the Gita espoused by Gandhi, nonetheless, was distinctly completely different from Tilak or Aurobindo’s interpretation.

Earlier than the Eighteen Eighties, the Gita that had been standard among the many Sanskritised literati emphasised the thought of renunciation of all motion on the earth, argues Mark Harvey in The Secular as Sacred?—The Religio-Political Rationalization of B.G. Tilak.

The Gita that had been standard among the many remainder of the inhabitants emphasised the thought of motion, however solely within the type of devotion to Krishna. Furthermore, as talked about above by Paranjape too, this Krishna was the playful child-god, who didn’t at all times come throughout as the intense, respectable ‘laborious god’ concerned in ‘realpolitik’.

The revolutionaries sought to alter that—a Gita that promoted renunciation had to get replaced by a Gita that promoted motion, and violent motion, when wanted. As argued by Harvey, “Tilak believed that it was within the Gita that the conception of activism (which he referred to as karma-yoga) was carried to its logical conclusion in that Krishna’s exhortations to Arjun to battle needs to be taken as a rallying cry for Hindus to ‘battle the British by violence if essential, with a view to regain political supremacy’.”

Violent motion, in keeping with Tilak, was not immoral by itself so long as it’s not pursued with self-interest in thoughts.

There was yet one more ‘downside’ with the present interpretations of the Gita. It was believed that when Krishna admonished Arjun to battle, it was as a result of latter’s very particular caste obligation as a Ksatriya. Tilak sought to generalise the particular caste obligation of Arjun to battle as the duty of each particular person (particularly Hindus) to battle the “proper battle”.

Certain sufficient, Tilak was not the one one to articulate this interpretation of the Gita. An entire era of revolutionaries now learn the Gita this manner.

Writing within the journal Bande Mataram in December 1906, Aurobindo Ghosh mentioned, “Gita is the very best reply to those that shrink from battle as a sin, and aggression as a decreasing of morality… Subsequently, says Shri Krishna in Mahabharat, ‘God created battle and armours, the sword, the bow and the dagger.”

Clearly, not rising violently to violence was thought of sitting out—an possibility not out there to the new-age follower of the Gita.

Gandhi’s interpretation of the Gita was markedly completely different.

If Tilak’s interpretation of the Gita was “Ye Yatha Mam Prapadyante Tantast–thaiva Bhajammaihyam” (I shall act in the identical method wherein others behave with me), Gandhi supplied a very completely different tackle the identical textual content, specifically Shatham Pratyapi Satyam (unmindful of any dishonest, I shall not go away the trail of fact).

Gandhi squarely opposed what he referred to as Tilak’s “tit-for-tat” strategy to politics.

As argued by Chakrabarty, Gandhi borrowed the time period Swaraj from the lexicon of his adversaries, together with Tilak, and mentioned that certainly it’s the satyagrahi’s dharma to work ceaselessly in the direction of it. Nevertheless, if for Tilak, Swaraj needed to be gained at any price—a sentiment betrayed by probably the most standard slogans attributed to him, “Swaraj is my birthright, and I shall have it”—for Gandhi this contravened the opposite precept of the Gita, that’s motion with non-attachment. In Gandhi’s studying of the Gita then one couldn’t get too hooked up even to Swaraj as that might lead the satyagrahi astray, away from rightful motion.

The RSS chief from Haryana acknowledged that certainly there have been completely different interpretations of the Gita prior to now. “However when you learn Tilak’s Gita Rahasya (Tilak’s personal tackle the Bhagavad Gita), he clearly states that Gita isn’t a pot of jugglery that anybody can extract any which means from it… We consider the identical.”

(Edited by Viny Mishra)


Additionally Learn: What machine studying can inform us about Bhagavad Gita


 


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